The movements of human populations over time and space are breathtaking.
The resourcefulness of the peoples who moved on and lived on in the social,
economic and cultural fabric of place is endless. Originating well before
industrialisation from the boat builders of the North Sea nations, the
North Indian blacksmiths, the Moorish and many more travelled the world
to survive, to expand and to trade.
Putting
the I into Immigrant
By
Without these movements Europe would lack essentials of modern existence
such as mathematics, sewers and mortar. The continent has been enriched
too by constant cultural fusions, as in Spain plus Indian migrants equals
Flamenco. Nomads left India in the 15th century to eventually be known
as the Roma gypsies, and brought Rajasthani folk music into Spain. It
developed into Flamenco, regarded by the 21st century as quintessentially
Spanish. A national treasure.
Likewise Britain plus Trinidad equals Notting Hill Carnival, the biggest
street event in Europe, increasingly utilised as part of the UK’s
core ‘brand’.
Migration from the countryside to the cities fed industrialisation and
will inevitably continue. Demand from second homers, and asset-rich retirees
together with planning restrictions have produced a shortage of rural
housing. The young in particular are forced to leave.
So too, migration from the cash poor world to the credit rich world.
People will flee political and economic catastrophe, some of which will
be caused by a changing climate, some caused by unchanged regimes and
ideologies. This is widely anticipated as evidenced in the policy work
and investment in control frameworks by the European Community.
Alongside the exponential increases in the migrant poor there is simultaneous
explosion of a global billionaire elite, a group of worldly mega-mobile
high earners who have homes, investments and vast incomes worldwide. Described
by Richard Woods (Sunday Times 27.4.08) as the ‘mobilesuperclass’,
they are courted by nations who are anxious to benefit from the Midas
touch and tax revenues of great wealth. Being mobile is different to being
a migrant and both are different to being without mobility. Shifts in
global trade have seen specific communities grind to a halt.
The native underclass for whom mobility is unavailable may view immigration
as direct competition, having seen their own ability to participate in
a UK or even Europe-wide labour market diminish.
Similarly in Liverpool’s epic battle with itself over housing,
the immobile express their resentment towards people who have used their
power of movement to enter the city from elsewhere. Incomers into areas
of high density immobility may be afforded less personal power, less respect,
less status that those who have held long term residency. The territory
– no matter how degraded by depopulation, deskilling or regeneration-led
despoiling – will be contested by those who were left stranded when
the tide went out. This is unsurprising, in-comers have not only mobility
working against them but experience of the outside world. External experience
disrupts the ability of the immobile to adhere to a straightforward narrative
that their area is unattractive, themselves hard done by, their future
predestined.
The phenomena of local authority or quangos or government agents demonising
urban incomers exploits the fear and resentment of the immobile in their
populations. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the ongoing contest
regarding the compulsory purchase of housing in Liverpool. A series of
strategies have been seen at public enquiries and meetings which demonstrate
an eagerness to diminish those born outside the city, or to make false
claims that opponents of the authorities are also opponents of the immobile.
On occasions the demonising of incomers takes place at policy level, for
example those who have longest tenure will have first dibs on replacement
housing. The most extreme visitation of this strategy of turning incomers
into outsiders is to allege - without evidence - that opponents of the
proposed demolitions do not really live in the city, but have homes elsewhere
in the UK, villas in Spain and great personal wealth.
Allegations of wealth, external homes, and foreign property holdings
have a potentially high impact on the immobile implying not only access
to choice but indicating the golden barb – that of mobility. The
wisdom of using public funds and agencies to discourage populations from
settling in the cities is somewhat contrary, given the ambitions of cities
to repopulate themselves. However contradictory, this parochial stance
serves the purposes of those who use it. There is considerable wealth
locked in the land occupied by the immobile on Merseyside.
Despite being born in the UK, I have been accused of immigration, by
reference to my skin colour and features, which are patently non-European.
Guilty by accident of ancestry. And I have been accused of migration as
an English person when living in Wales. Guilty by movement across a sub-border.
Currently I stand accused of ‘not belonging’, living in an
area where the land is sought by property developers. This failure to
belong may be the result of mobility since I moved into the area, and
was not born in it. But this is a limited mobility, since it is not sufficient
to remove me from the current impasse with the regenerators. Guilty by
being mobile enough to arrive but not mobile enough to leave, an immigrant
by visual association and a migrant by coming here for work.
At meetings where the demolition of my home is being promoted I am told
to ‘go back to where I came from’ and discussed as ‘not
from around here’. Presumably my failure to move off the land which
is so keenly sought by the authorities has resulted in my definition as
an ‘outsider’ despite fifteen years in the city, all of which
have been spent in Toxteth.
Yet residents who were born and raised on this site have been described
as ‘not genuine residents’, unless they will agree to the
demolition of their homes. So ‘belonging’ in this instance
is linked with compliance.
The great contradiction in this is of course that Liverpool’s historical
roles as centre of shipping and commerce, and as capital of 19th century
migration give it the potential to be a place where everyone can belong
and which can belong to everyone. The city which based its bid for Capital
of Culture status on the slogan ‘the world in one city’ still
has some way to go if it cannot extend its world view to the West County,
India, Wales or its own citizens.
Comment left by Aeir on 19th July, 2008 at 1:13 It seems that this artist is contemptous of, in her words 'the native under class' I wonder does this 'class'inclued me. My native language was used here long before 'english' was used.
I understand what is happening around me. My daughter is the last 'white scouser' left in her class. She and one other 'black scouser' are the only two left with English as a mother tongue. Some have moved due to regeneration,others one could lable'racists' becuse of the language they use to describe their reasons;fear for their childrens education,religion,culture, etc, for leaving. But its clear fron this article and others in the Nerve that there is a 'gap of understanding' between the us 'the native underclass' who live among the 'incomers',the poorer migrants and the regenerationists' Note I add the word poorer as I know that a number of your articles are about 'migrants' who have comfortable 'middle class' back grounds both here and in their own countries. Unless the gap of understanding is addressed there will be little of your hopes for reaching out and getting to know people.
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