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Alex Scott-Samuel is senior lecturer in the Department
of Public Health in Liverpool University where he has worked since1994.
He came to Liverpool in 1966 as a medical student, going on to train in
public health in the early seventies.
He worked in the NHS with, what was then Liverpool Health Authority, what
is now the Primary Care Trust and he was a consultant there for sixteen
years from 1978-94. Alex is interested in community development, in arts,
and the overlap between the arts and health and in poetry. He organises
the Liverpool Socialist Choir; he loves singing. He’s also very
passionate about Bob Dylan. He talked to Nerve about inequality, health
and privatisation of health services.
Inequalities
of Health
My official job is teaching and research. I teach post-graduates on our
masters course in public health and I do research around health inequalities;
in other words things like poverty and health, housing and health, stuff
to do with health policy.
Public health is a branch of medicine. It’s the only one that deals
with populations rather than individuals.
I’ve been interested in this area since the mid-seventies and as
you can imagine there is an enormous amount of relevance to that in Liverpool.
There are a lot of things I am involved with that I can’t do within
my official job description such as voluntary organisations. I’m
joint chair of the Politics of Health Group, which is concerned with the
overlap between health and politics. We are publishing on-line, a major
report called UK Heath Watch, which is an alternative report on the state
of health in the UK to co-inside with the big government health inequalities
summit conference that they are having as part of the EU Presidency. We
are bringing it out on the same day the 17 October. I’ve been involved
with the Pioneer Health Foundation for about fifteen years. This group
consists of the survivors of the original Peckham Health Centre, which
existed, in Peckham, between 1935 and 1950. It was the first, what would
be called nowadays, Healthy Living Centre. In other words this is about
promoting positive health, not just about preventing disease etc. It was
a fantastic project, and the sort of thing that would be ahead of what’s
going on now, if it still existed. But the new health service of 1948
didn’t understand it and wouldn’t fund it so it folded. But
the people involved have been keeping the ideas alive ever since. I’m
involved in other activities, some of them political; I’m a member
of the Labour Party, although I despair at the current government and
its health policies. I’m also very much involved in the Politics
of Health Group, and the Keep Our NHS Public Campaign, which was launched
during the Labour Party Conference.
What is your opinion of the recent Government
report on inequality and health, saying that the biggest indicator of
ill health is still poverty; that there is a direct correlation between
the two?
My view is that however much the government talks about health inequalities,
and they do talk about it a lot, and however many policies they have around
health inequalities, and they do have a lot of policies, and I fully acknowledge
that. As long as their action and their policies are what I would call
‘down-stream’, in other words things that focus on the NHS
and diseases and so on, rather than the up-stream factors; the original
factors that cause the inequality in the first place things like poverty
and macro-economic policies, patriarchy and gender inequalities etc.;
unless they actually deal with these fundamental issues; trade policy
and so on; and, of course this government is very much driven by what
is generally called neo-liberal market oriented policies; as long as those
things are happening in the background then the health inequalities are
going to continue, however many superficial individualistic policies there
are for dealing with health inequalities.
When Labour came to power in 1997 they were very keen to take action against
health inequalities. But unfortunately, after the first couple of years,
Frank Dobson and Tessa Jowell, who were the Health Secretary and the Public
Health Minister, moved on, or were replaced. This was around the time
that Labour, very noticeably, moved to the right (although I suspect it
had been happening all along to some extent), and increasingly came to
resemble the conservative government before it and Margaret Thatcher before
that, and, of course, became closely allied with the US and Bush’s
policies.
People started getting interested in health inequalities in the seventies
and particularly after the Black Report in the eighties. This was commissioned
by the Labour Government in ’78, but by the time it reported in
1980 Thatcher was in power and didn’t want to know about inequalities.
There was a recent conference celebrating 25 years since the Black Report.
That was in September, in Manchester. Then this report came out in August
from a group sponsored by the government headed up by Michael Marmot,
from University London which basically showed that on the two headline
indicators that the government has on health inequality which are life
expectancy inequalities and infant mortality inequalities, for both of
those, for the first six years of the Labour Government – 1997-2003
– inequalities had not only not got better, they were actually continuing
to get worse and that’s because the up-stream policies that drive
inequality are still acting in a way that will increase those inequalities.
For example income inequality, which I think is much more important to
health inequality than the kind of NHS health promotion type policies
the government has been introducing, in the name of inequality. Economic
inequality continued throughout the first six years of this government
as it was in the mid 1980s, at the height of Thatcherism.
It is only when thing like economic inequalities start coming down and
they start really cutting poverty (I know there have been reductions in
poverty, but nothing like the targets that the government set itself,
and those were relatively modest), until it starts doing serious things
in those areas inequalities won’t reduce. Having said that, I don’t
expect them to change their policies in those areas because they’re
very tied to those kinds of approaches. The bottom line for me is that
the whole capitalist economic system, that the government is part of,
and that any likely future government is part of is so fundamentally rooted
in inequality; capitalism is an unequal system and it can’t be otherwise,
it’s unequal by definition. The inequality is between those who
produce the wealth and those who get it. Without any changes in that sort
of system inequalities are not going to reduce and the other key driver
that I mentioned is patriarchy, and there is a lot of evidence; firstly
I think it’s absolute rubbish for people to suggest that we live
in a post-feminist era and that there are equal opportunities. Things
aren’t as bad as when I was growing up in the fifties and sixties,
but there is still enormous gender inequality and that so many of the
things that drive gender inequality, including the factors that I mentioned
are driven by excessive masculine gender roles. In other words things
like excessive risk taking, aggression, violence, suppression of emotions
etc. etc. And because that is as common in the cabinet room as it is in
the public bar there is no likelihood whatsoever that the government will
do anything about that either. So that in a nutshell is my take on inequality.
Alyson Pollack in her book NHS Plc describes
privatisation in the NHS and how it has accelerated. Under the Social
Health and Care Act 2003 the Primary Care Trusts can contract out all
aspects of primary medical services and there are other areas, which are
going over to the private sector. How do you think that people should
handle this ‘steam roller’ to privatisation?
I’m absolutely appalled by what’s been going on, in terms
of the government encouraging private sector involvement in the NHS. It
goes back to the 1980s when the Thatcher government privatised, so called,
ancillary services in the hospitals, things like cleaning, and catering,
and portering, and laundry services. At that time it was very obvious
that this was bad news for the workers concerned because often the same
people were re-employed by private organisations with much worse terms
and conditions, they had to work much harder for the same wages. The quality
of the work suffered and we are now seeing the outcomes of all that in
terms of hospital infection rates and there has been a lot of outbreaks
of hospital infection recently that have been linked to the quality of
cleaning. People, like cleaning staff for example, were part of the caring
team, in a sort of unofficial way, because obviously people in hospital
talk more to nurses than doctors and talk more to cleaners than nurses.
So that kind of function went completely by-the-board.
I
was one of many people who waited a long time for Labour to get back into
government and I was horribly disappointed after Alan Milburn became Health
Secretary. Originally there was a concordat signed with the private sector
about the beginnings of their involvement in the NHS. And then increasingly,
not just ancillary services, but actual clinical services; services involving
patients, started getting privatised, most obviously elective surgery,
in other words none emergency surgery.
I would acknowledge that there are arguments, I don’t share them,
for a limited involvement of private sector facilities in terms of reducing
waiting lists and so on. In other words renting or borrowing services
from the private sector in order to deal with patients on waiting lists
rapidly, but once that’s done that should be the end of it. What
New Labour did was increasingly involve the private sector in the provision
of NHS services and through such things like the independent treatment
centres that they set up in the last couple of years, there’s now
a wide-spread private involvement in NHS services and by the end of this
year people getting elective surgery are going to be offered the choice
of five locations at least two of which have to be private sector. So
Labour are very actively forcing private sector services into the NHS.
They are creating an open market in services, which is going to have a
lot of negative effects. It’s going to mean that some hospital services
will fail to meet the competition and literally go out of business. We
don’t know to what extent that is likely to happen, but it’s
one possibility and the Labour Government acknowledge that it’s
a possibility.
In addition there’s going to be an enormous amount of money wasted,
because obviously, as with hospitals built with the Private Finance Initiative
[PFI] where money is borrowed from the private sector, taxpayers money
is going to go into the pockets of shareholders, whether it’s PFI
builders and hospital developers, or whether it’s the new companies
that are going to be providing private surgical and other services on
the NHS. So additional money has to be paid to those companies in order
that they make a profit and those are funds that could be used in developing
NHS services. I don’t claim for a minute that NHS services are perfect
or that there aren’t a lot of problems with them, but as I said
twenty years ago about British Rail, if something in the public sector
is not working well, the answer is to use management and other approaches
to make it work better, not to privatise it.
There is absolutely no reason at all to think that the NHS will benefit
from this market that Labour have created. If you look at this service
in the US, where Labour seem to have got all their ideas from, it is absolutely
horrendous the market there. They have a vast amount of wastage on transaction
costs and duplication of services and so on, and a large number of people
are not dealt with the private services because the tend to deal with
the simpler conditions like elective surgery rather than the more difficult
conditions like emergency which will continue to be dealt with in NHS
hospitals; and incidentally make it harder for those NHS hospitals to
compete because it takes more resources to deal with more difficult and
more complex cases and emergency cases, than it does with the kind that
the private sector are dealing with.
So if you and other professionals have told
the government and they know that these things are not going to work properly,
then why do they continue on down that road?
Well, basically it’s because practically all government ministers
will do Tony Blair’s bidding and Tony Blair and those ‘hand
picked’ people that support him in the Number 10 policy unit are
obsessed with the US market model and obsessed with the belief that the
private sector is always better than the public sector, and that the public
sector is a drain on the economy. As long as Blair pushes that line his
ministers, if they want to remain as ministers, are more or less forced
to go along with it. I think some of them do it more readily than others.
But I would predict that when Gordon Brown takes over from Blair that
they will suddenly rediscover - I wouldn’t say socialist - their
more left wing roots and not be as wedded to the market as they are at
the moment. Patricia Hewitt, for example, the current health secretary,
was a supporter of Tony Benn in the ‘70s and in the 80s was very
strong on civil liberties and social justice. Her conversion to the free
market, I think, is relatively recent. In the mid-90s she was working
on the Commission for Social Justice. I don’t know if she is somebody
who will revert to the left in the future, but certainly because the Prime
Minister is so far to the right that explains why current government policy
is and why his cabinet is.
The latest thing is that Labour are now going to be privatising primary
health care services, like general practice services and community nursing
services and so on. A really dreadful circular came out recently from
the government, which basically has been widely criticised by just about
everybody concerned, even the NHS managers, who are normally loyal to
the current government, because it is just so incoherent and absurd what
is being proposed, which is that primary care services, instead of being
comprehensive and well planned should be just provided by any kind of
motley collection private or voluntary service providers who can successfully
bid for them. The Primary Care Trusts, which currently employ community
nurses and many other community staff will be prevented from doing so
in future; it’s just a complete disaster and just the most appalling
betrayal of people who thought that the Labour Party stood for a high
quality, universal, comprehensive health service.
What Blair would say is that there is no alternative.
He stated at the Labour Party conference that it would be like questioning
why autumn follows summer; that the free market has to come in. We’ve
got to compete on the world stage and we’ve got to keep public spending
down because we need to meet targets that the World Bank have set.
Well there are very successful social democracies, and I wouldn’t
call the Labour Party under Blair a social democratic party, I would now
call it Christian democratic, in other words a very right wing kind of
party. There are successful social democracies the most obvious being
Norway and Sweden, which are part of the capitalist world, but have very
successfully, followed egalitarian social democratic principles. There
is absolutely no reason at all why the UK shouldn’t do the same.
Compass, the Labour Party think tank recently published a pamphlet on
Swedish social democracy and the possibilities for the UK to follow that
route. While I accept entirely that in my lifetime we are likely to remain
with a capitalist model, I would very much push for a genuine social democratic
model with a genuine welfare state, and there is no reason at all why
we shouldn’t follow that. An enormous amount of money could be transferred
from expenditure on such things as defence, which are unimportant in the
countries I have mentioned and in countries such as Switzerland and transferred
to welfare.
So what can ordinary people, the people in
the street, do about this move to privatisation?
Well, there is a new movement launched during the time of the Labour Party
conference called Keep Our NHS Public and I’m hoping that will become
a real mass movement and, in the same way that has happened in other areas:
the environment for example, that the mass of the people will start demonstrating
that they don’t go along with these government policies. I’m
hoping that there will be a strong local organisation in Liverpool, as
in other areas of the country and that people will actually be able to
show what they feel about this in a way that might actually cause the
government to think again. The website is: www.keepournhspublic.com and
I’m hoping that people will engage with this movement and whenever
there are consultations about change within the NHS, and the government
is going to have to consult about the kind of changes we’ve been
discussing, I’m hoping people will express their views and to tell
the government that they don’t want the government to follow the
path that they are following.
This government claims to value people, but it fails to behave in a way
that suggests that it really does value people. I want to once again live
in a country that really does value people and I want the taxation that
I pay to be spent on welfare not on war and conflict and defence.
How do you think that, coming from the perspective
of the readers of Nerve magazine, which is basically about arts and culture,
people can get involved in this campaign? Do you think that art has a
role to play?
Yes I do. I think the overlap between arts and health is something that
people are becoming increasingly aware of in a general sense. People are
seeing what arts have to offer the health sector and health promotion
and so on. And I’m hoping that artist will increasingly express
their views about what is happening in the health sector through their
work as well as outside of it. I say as well as outside of it because,
for example the launch statement of Keep our NHS Public has been signed
by a lot of writers and other people involved in the arts. I’m hoping
that people will move from expressing art in that way to actually using
art to express their views about what goes on. I haven’t thought
that through enough to know how that might happen, but certainly there
have been social movements in other countries that have involved the use
of graffiti and the de-facing of hoardings - like, most obviously, tobacco
hoardings. It might be useful to see that some of that kind of art in
relation to promoting a publicly owned NHS.
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