|
Bloody Sunday and the Children of Conflict
The
Black-E Liverpool
Tuesday 13th May 2012
Reviewed by
The image here shows a mural in Belfast, though affiliated to one side
of the conflict and by no means representing the majority view, it speaks
volumes, depicting this transitional period in Northern Ireland’s
history, that this Writing on the Wall offering seeks to explore. It perhaps
reminds us that peace is a work in progress and that nothing is a fixed
state of being.
The discussion was billed as an exploration of the aftermath of ‘Bloody
Sunday’ to be hosted by Eamonn McCann (Irish journalist, author
and political activist) and Phil Scraton (author and senior lecturer in
criminology at Belfast University). Unfortunately due to non-political
unforeseen flight problems from Derry, Eamonn was unable to attend, leaving
professor Scraton to do some last minute cramming and handle the discussion
single handily. There was perhaps some disappointment from the audience
at the news of Eamonn’s absence, his missing expertise and energy
was clearly room indeed to fill by another character, however, Professor
Scraton embraced the challenge taking his own approach and despite being
in attendance at a Hillsborough Justice Panel all day.
After introductions and apologies for a missing host, Phil opened the
event with images taken from CCTV and released by police, of youths thought
to have taken part in Northern Ireland’s riots of 2010. We’re
also shown quotes taken from 12 to 19 year olds from Northern Ireland’s
six counties, children and young people who Eamonn and Phil had been working
with in relation to the ‘troubles’ and its impact on the new
generation.
Phil states from the offset of this discussion that despite The Good
Friday Agreement and the subsequent worldwide celebratory conferences
and spoken rhetoric on its apparent success in this new, ‘post-conflict
era’, Northern Ireland has been left with a legacy of conflict,
passed down to its newest generation, which is still spilling out onto
both sides of the religious divide.
We are told how a new generation – being too young to have ever
been directly involved in the violence before the days of talks –
live in a world of peace walls, dividing them in the name of peace and
passing by murals on their way to school depicting violent imagery and
words vowing never to forget. McCann and Scraton have worked with youngsters
all over Northern Ireland giving them a platform from which to voice their
feelings and beliefs. But these sound bites, Phil believes, amplify the
frustration felt and at times sound reminiscent of the old ways of being;
lives are still being lived out of division between the religious communities
of Northern Ireland. Scraton argues that every aspect of young people’s
lives is defined by division, he gives statistics that show although some
schools are now ‘integrated’ only 6% of children attend these
schools and even these schools consist of 95% of one faith or the other.
Social housing which in turn is a factor in school placement allocations
is also alarmingly segregated, on average 90% of communities are still
being made up of one particular faith, in Phil’s words: ‘’segregated
social housing and schooling being a barrier to end sectarianism’’.
He also asserts his frustration at the lack of recognition of the ‘post-conflict
phase’ the North finds itself in today, the lack of support for
its young people, as well as contradictory conclusions being drawn and
spoke of by the consummate middle class professionals of ‘New Northern
Ireland’ publicity machine.
Phil speaks of the failings of a system and the regions inability to
change on many levels, from underlying unresolved tensions, injustice,
poverty and that of the welfare and penal system influencing, impacting
and controlling key aspects of some people’s lives, particularly
those supported by social housing and the welfare state. The ‘old
feel’ of division, partition, fear of paramilitary punishments and
sectarian violence still remain. In places some streets are still closed
at nights and paramilitary punishments are still handed down. However
we are informed communities are beginning to protest publicly against
these beatings, the mothers and women of Derry being one example. And
peace gates are being built into peace walls in an attempt to foster greater
links between communities. Scraton and others alike believe a complete
transition to change would perhaps be difficult to imagine without resolution
of past events including that of the Bloody Sunday massacre and its predecessor
at Ballymurphy. The Saville Inquiry (with its £195,000,000 price
tag) into Bloody Sunday at least contained findings of fault at the hands
of soldiers, on the day it was published Cameron apologised to the people
of Derry, but charges have yet to be brought against the parachute regiment
responsible for both atrocities and Cameron refuses to meet with the families
of the dead at Ballymurphy despite numerous requests for him to do so,
leaving a bitter legacy of injustice for all those involved, without even
a cursory investigation to take place.
However Phil, who now calls Belfast home, was insistent that all is not
doom and gloom, many positive changes have occurred, unwillingness to
change is in the minority, people believe their children have a brighter
future and he lives in an area where he feels safe, though he admits it
is a middle class area. He tells of hope for the future even if this may
be some way off, if we can be persuaded by the ‘three generation
theory’ of which it is believed to be the length of time a conflict
stops from being handed to yet another generation. The talk approaches
its end and we are brought back to the earlier imagery shown of the youths
captured on CCTV after riots. Their reoccurrence warranted no explanation.
Phil Scraton’s approach was tender to the sensitivity of the subject
but informative and unbiased, with some clarity given to a complicated
people’s history and the here and now. Professor Scraton ended the
evening on audience questions and then less formal proceeding took themselves
to the nearest pub, the fittingly Irish establishment of the ‘Pogue
Mahone’.
|